米にも制御不能のイスラエル、今度はレバノン地上作戦

【ワシントンＡＦＰ＝時事】イスラエルはレバノンへの地上侵攻を回避するよう米国から求められていたにもかかわらず、「標的を絞った」地上作戦を開始した。中東での紛争拡大が懸念される中、米国が同盟国イスラエルを制御できずにいる現実を改めて示す事例となった。（写真は、ホワイトハウスの大統領執務室で、握手を交わすイスラエルのベンヤミン・ネタニヤフ首相〈左〉とジョー・バイデン米大統領）
　ジョー・バイデン大統領は９月３０日、レバノンのイスラム教シーア派組織ヒズボラの最高指導者ハッサン・ナスララ師の暗殺後に緊張が高まったのを受け、イスラエルによる地上侵攻に反対する意向を表明。
　レバノンでの限定作戦に関するイスラエル側の計画を把握しているかとの記者団からの質問に対し、「私は皆さん以上に把握している」と答え、「今こそ停戦すべきだ」と語った。
　数時間後、国務省のマシュー・ミラー報道官は、「（レバノン）国境付近でヒズボラのインフラを標的とする限定的な作戦」を実行中との連絡をイスラエル側から受けたと明らかにした。
　既視感がある。米国がイスラエルに対して交渉による解決や停戦を呼び掛けるたびに、ベンヤミン・ネタニヤフ首相は軍事攻勢を強化しているように見える。
　先週も、米仏両国が中心となり、イスラエル、ヒズボラ双方に３週間の一時停戦を提案する共同声明を発表したところ、インクも乾き切っていない翌日、ネタニヤフ氏はヒズボラを標的とする新たな空爆を実施したと発表した。
　ナスララ師を標的にする計画についても、米国は、イスラエルから事前の打診も通知もなかったと、遠回しに苦言を呈している。
　米国は依然、パレスチナ自治区ガザ地区とレバノンにおいて、外交を優先させることを望んではいる。
　一方でアントニー・ブリンケン国務長官の側近は以前から、米政府はイスラエルの主権を尊重するとしており、米国がネタニヤフ氏に及ぼせる影響力には限界があると暗に認めてきた。
　軍事・外交面でイスラエルの最大の同盟国である米国が仲裁に入るのは事実上、不可能だ。危機が生じても、及び腰で対応に追われるしかない。
　バイデン氏は今年５月、ガザ最南部ラファへの地上侵攻計画への懸念から、イスラエルへの爆弾輸出について、１回分の発送を取りやめた。ネタニヤフ氏に停戦を強いるために軍事支援カードを切ったのは、この１回限りだ。
　バイデン氏の後継者となるかもしれない民主党のカマラ・ハリス副大統領と、共和党のドナルド・トランプ前大統領が次期大統領の座を目指して争う中、バイデン政権としては、選挙前に何としても中東和平合意を成立させたいところだ。しかし、１１月５日の投票日が迫る中、バイデン政権に戦略を変更する用意があると見る向きは少ない。【翻訳編集ＡＦＰＢＢＮｅｗｓ】
〔ＡＦＰ＝時事〕（2024/10/01-20:55）

Despite US calls to avert a ground offensive in Lebanon, Israel has begun targeted raids on the country -- more proof that Washington has been unable to rein in its ally, amid fears of a wider Middle East conflict.
The US president indicated Monday that he was opposed to Israeli ground operations in Lebanon, calling for a ceasefire as tensions spiralled after the assassination of Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah.
I'm more aware than you might know and I'm comfortable with them stopping. We should have a ceasefire now, Biden told reporters when asked if he was aware of Israeli plans for a limited operation on Lebanese soil.
A few hours later, State Department spokesman Matthew Miller said Israel had informed Washington that it was currently conducting limited operations targeting Hezbollah infrastructure near the border.
And the Israeli military confirmed early Tuesday that it had indeed launched ground raids on villages in southern Lebanon.
It felt like deja vu all over again.
Every time the United States calls for a negotiated solution or a ceasefire, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu seems to respond by ramping up his military offensive.
Last week, with the ink barely dry on a joint US-French statement on the sidelines of a top-level UN summit for a three-week ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah, Netanyahu announced fresh air strikes against the Iran-backed militant group the very next day.
The Biden administration has largely been a bystander to these events -- one that has supplied Israel with the military means to conduct these operations but has been repeatedly caught by surprise by its actions, wrote Brian Katulis, a senior fellow for US foreign policy at the Middle East Institute.
On Friday at the United Nations, the contrast was jarring: as Netanyahu authorized a strike against Nasrallah, risking a broader regional conflict, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken again called for all sides to choose diplomacy.
The question is not, does Israel have a right to deal with existential threats to its security and enemies across its borders with the avowed intent to destroy Israel? Of course it does.
But the question is what is the best way to achieve its objectives, Blinken said, echoing the US position expressed shortly after Hamas attacked Israel on October 7 last year.
- Israel seeks to capitalize -
Of course, there are no tears in Washington over Nasrallah's demise. Blinken called him a brutal terrorist on Monday.
But the United States has been at pains to say it was neither consulted nor aware of Israel's plans to target him ahead of time.
It made a similar statement after Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh was killed in Iran in late July in an attack blamed on Israel.
Now, Israel clearly appears to be seeking to capitalize on its position, having done significant damage to Hezbollah in a series of attacks, and sending Hamas reeling in Gaza, diplomats say.
Washington meanwhile is still hoping that diplomacy will prevail, both in Gaza and Lebanon.
Diplomacy remains the best and only path to achieving greater stability in the Middle East, and Washington is committed to urgently driving these efforts forward, Blinken said Monday.
Blinken spoke Sunday with his French counterpart Jean-Noel Barrot, who called on Israel to avoid any ground operation -- a call that apparently went unheeded.
The US secretary of state also talked to Britain's David Lammy on Monday, and held talks with counterparts from Arab states on the sidelines of a ministerial meeting in Washington of the international coalition battling the Islamic State group.
Aides to Blinken have long insisted that Washington respects Israel's sovereignty, and tacitly acknowledge that US influence on Netanyahu is limited.
Events on the ground appear to be unfolding at a more rapid pace, and the United States is effectively unable to intercede, meaning Israel's top military and diplomatic ally is on the back foot, merely reacting to the crisis.
Until now, Biden has refused to play the military aid card to force Netanyahu's hand, other than the suspension of one delivery of bombs in May.
The US election calendar has complicated matters, as Vice President Kamala Harris, Biden's heir apparent, is battling for the White House with Republican former president Donald Trump.
The Biden administration hopes to see a Middle East peace deal reached before the election, but few observers believe it is ready to change its strategy so close to Election Day on November 5.